FROM JUNE 18 TO JULY 20
UNITED STATES
PRESIDENT WILSON'S MOUNT VERNON SPEECH
On July 4, before a distinguished assemblage at Mt. Vernon, President Wilson again outlined the Allied aims in the war, which he characterized as a struggle for the reign of law, applicable to nations as to individuals and sustained by the organized opinion of mankind. The ends for which we are fighting he stated as follows:
I. The destruction of every arbitrary power anywhere that can separately, secretly, and of its single choice disturb the peace of the world; or, if it cannot be presently destroyed, at the least its reduction to virtual impotence.
II. The settlement of every question, whether of territory, of sovereignty, of economic arrangement, or of political relationship, upon the basis of the free acceptance of that settlement by the people immediately concerned, and not upon the basis of the material interest or advantage of any other nation or people which may desire a different settlement for the sake of its own exterior influence or mastery.
III. The consent of all nations to be governed in their conduct toward each other by the same principles of honor and of respect for the common law of civilized society that govern the individual citizens of all modern states in their relations with one another; to the end that all promises and covenants may be sacredly observed, no private plots or conspiracies hatched, no selfish injuries wrought with impunity, and a mutual trust established upon the handsome foundation of a mutual respect for right.
IV. The establishment of an organization of peace which shall make it certain that the combined power of free nations will check every invasion of right and serve to make peace and justice the more secure by affording a definite tribunal of opinion to which all must submit and by which every international readjustment that cannot be amicably agreed upon by the peoples directly concerned shall be sanctioned.
These great objects can be put into a single sentence. What we seek is the reign of law, based upon the consent of the governed and sustained by the organized opinion of mankind.
These great ends cannot be achieved by debating and seeking to reconcile and accommodate what statesmen may wish with their projects for balances of power and of national opportunity. They can be realized only by the determination of what the thinking peoples of the world desire, with their longing hope for justice and for social freedom and opportunity.
I can fancy that the air of this place carries the accents of such principles with a peculiar kindness. Here were started forces which the great nation against which they were primarily directed at first regarded as a revolt against its rightful authority, but which it has long since seen to have been a step in the liberation of its own people as well as of the people of the United States and I stand here now to speak—speak proudly and with confident hope—of the spread of this revolt, this liberation, to the great stage of the world itself! The blinded rulers of Prussia have roused forces they knew little of—forces which, once roused, can never be crushed to earth again; for they have at their heart an inspiration and a purpose which are deathless and of the very stuff of triumph!
MR. ROOSEVELT ON WINNING THE WAR.—In a speech before the New York State Republican Convention at Saratoga, on June 18, Mr. Roosevelt characterized the purpose of the American people as follows:
"The two prime purposes of the American people at this time, having precedence of all others are: First to insist upon the absolute and thoroughgoing Americanization of our entire citizenship, and second, to win the war; to win it as speedily as possible, and to end it by the peace of overwhelming victory, a peace which shall guarantee to us, and to our allies, and to all the well-behaved nations of the civilized world, lasting relief from the threat and horror German world dominion."
Regarding our aims in the war, Mr. Roosevelt continued:
"There must be no peace until Germany is beaten to her knees. To leave her with a strangle-hold on Russia, and through her vassal allies, Austria, Bulgaria, and Turkey, dominant in Central Europe and Asia Minor, would mean that she had won the war and taken a giant stride toward world dominion. Belgium must be reinstated and reimbursed; France must receive back Alsace and Lorraine; Turkey must be driven from Europe, Armenia made free, the Syrian Christians protected, and the Jews given Palestine. Italian-Austria must go to Italy and Rumanian-Hungary to Rumania. Moreover, we must raise against the German menace the sleeping sword of the Slavs of Central Europe; we must establish the great free commonwealths of the Poles, the Czechoslovaks, and the Jugo-Slavs, and save the other submerged peoples who are their neighbors. Unless we do all this, unless we stand by all our allies who have stood by us, we shall have failed in making the liberty of well-behaved, civilized peoples secure, and we shall have shown that our announcement about making the world safe for democracy was an empty boast.
MEXICO THREATENS AMERICAN OIL INTERESTS.—On June 29 Secretary Lansing made public the original text of a Note addressed last April by Ambassador Fletcher to the Mexican Government protesting against that government's taxation of oil lands and oil contracts to an extent regarded by the United States as virtually confiscatory. By the publication of this Note the United States emphasized its purpose to protect firmly the rights of its citizens in Mexico.
The chief investors in and producers of oil in Mexico are Americans and British, who hold oil interests in Mexico to the amount of about $300,000,000. In February, 1916, President Carranza issued a decree, described as a tax law, providing that land owners should pay cash rent and royalties to the Mexican Government for developing their own lands. The Note calls the attention of Mexico "to the necessity which may arise to impel the United States Government to protect the property of its citizens in Mexico divested or injuriously affected by the decree above cited."
FOOD EXPORTS TO MEXIC0.—Notification that the United States Government would permit free exportation to Mexico of certain foodstuffs under certain restrictions and under the direction of the Federal Food Administration was presented to the Mexican Government on July to through the American Embassy.
The notification made it clear that the United States expected that the Mexican Government, in return, would permit exportation to the United States of articles not needed by Mexico, and also guarantee that imports from the United States would not be re-exported.
The action of the American Government is explained as its method of giving proof of the sincerity of the declarations of friendship for Mexico which were made by President Wilson in his address to Mexican editors in Washington early in June.—N. Y. Times, 11/7.
GREAT BRITAIN
IRISH CONSCRIPTION DELAYED.—On June 25, Premier Lloyd George in a speech before the House of Commons practically admitted that the government had given up its purpose to grapple immediately with the Irish problem. He stated that before enforcing conscription, it was the government's intention to set up first a scheme of voluntary recruiting, such as preceded conscription in England.
Mr. John Dillon, leader of the Nationalist Party in Ireland, declared in a meeting at Dublin that until the government of their country was handed over to Irishmen, neither the Catholic Church nor the Nationalist Party would give active support to the Irish Recruiting Committee.
LABOR PARTY ENDS POLITICAL TRUCE—By a vote of nearly two to one, the British Labor Party at its conference in London, on June 26, passed a resolution ending the party truce that has been more or less effective since the opening of the war. This frees the party from any obligation to support the government or to refrain from contesting by-elections, and increases the probability of a general election in the autumn.
Mr. Arthur Henderson, the British Labor Leader, speaking at a conference at Northampton, England, on July 13, announced that five replies to the British Labor war aims statement had been received from Socialists in enemy countries. Bulgarian, Hungarian and Austrian Socialists issued a general endorsement of the statement. The German Majority Socialists declared their willingness for a conference on the basis of the proposals; the Minority Socialists expressed similar principles.
LORD CECIL ON ALLIED ECONOMIC LEAGUE.—An economic association of 24 nations comprising the Entente Allies is already in existence, said Lord Robert Cecil, British Under-Secretary of State of Foreign Affairs and Minister of Blockade, in a statement regarding the world's trade after the war, which was issued to-day.
Whether Germany eventually shall be admitted to this economic association, declared the British Minister, will be determined by the test established by President Wilson, when the President said on December 4 that if the German people should still, after the war was over, "continue to be obliged to live under ambitious and intriguing masters interested to disturb the peace of the world," it might be impossible to admit them to the partnership of the nations or to free economic intercourse.
Lord Robert described this statement by the President as a definition of the qualifications for membership in the association of nations, and added: "To these declarations we give our warmest assent."
Germany is the one obstacle to this economic association of nations, said Lord Robert—the Germany described by President Wilson—a Germany living under ambitious and intriguing masters. "Germany's economic policy toward all the groups of peoples from the Arctic Ocean to the Black Sea,” he continued, "is absolutely contrary to our principles. Economic independence and free choice are the last things which Germany will ever allow to the peoples within her reach.—N. Y. Times, 14/7.
GERMANY
RESIGNATION OF FOREIGN MINISTER VON KÜHLMANN
A remarkable crisis in political affairs in Germany followed the speech of Dr. Richard von Kühlmann, German Foreign Minister, before the Reichstag on June 24. It appears that, whether or not the minister's speech was approved and instigated by those in supreme control in Germany as a means of preparing the German people for a failure in France and at the same time opening the way to peace overtures, in the speech itself the minister spoke his own mind somewhat frankly.
He denied that Germany aimed for world domination, which he declared impossible for any nation. The war, he suggested, might be indefinitely prolonged, and would not be settled “through purely military operations alone and without recourse to diplomatic negotiations." He expressed the hope that the Entente nations would see that "victory for the Entente is a dream" and would approach Germany "with peace offers which will correspond with the situation and satisfy Germany's vital needs."
Kühlmann's Speech.—Significant passages in the minister's speech follow:
Speaking of the military situation, the Secretary said that victories had given the Germans the initiative in France. He continued: "We can hope that the summer and autumn will bring to our arms a new and great success.
"The Austro-Hungarian Army also has in a dashing onslaught attacked the Italian positions and achieved noteworthy successes and pinned down large and important enemy forces on that front.
"When one makes a wide survey of events, one must ask whether the war, according to human calculations, will last beyond the autumn or the winter; or beyond next year. There is a common idea among the people that the length of the war is something absolutely new, as if the authoritative quarters had in our time never reckoned on a very long war. This idea is incorect."
Dr. von Kühlmann quoted von Moltke, who in 1890 in the Reichstag said that if war broke out, its duration and end could not be calculated.
"Despite the brilliant successes of our arms," continued the Secretary, "there has been nowhere clearly recognizable among our enemies readiness for peace. The German Government has repeatedly laid down its standpoint in declarations intended for the widest publicity. Our enemies have nothing to show that can in any degree compare with the German peace offer, with the resolution of this House, or with the reply to the Papal note.
"The declarations of our enemies, especially of English statesmen, allow as yet no peaceful ray of light to fall on the darkness of this war."
Rejects Aim to Rule Europe.—Referring to Mr. Balfour's speech, in which the British Foreign Secretary said that Germany had unchained the war to achieve world domination, Dr. von Kühlmann said:
"I do not believe that any responsible man in Germany, not even the Kaiser or the members of the Imperial Government, ever for a moment believed they could win the domination of Europe by starting this war. The idea of world domination in Europe is a Utopia, as proved by Napoleon. The nation which tried it would, as happened to France, bleed to death in useless battle and would be most grievously injured and lowered in her development. One may here apply von Moltice's phrase, 'Woe to him who sets Europe afire.'
"At no moment of our later history was there less occasion for us to start or contribute to the starting of a conflagration than the moment in which it occurred.
"In a former debate I pointed out that the absolute integrity of the German Empire and its allies formed the necessary prerequisite condition for entering into a peace discussion or negotiations. That is our position to-day.
"From England the reproach is constantly made that we are not prepared on a hint from England to state our attitude publicly on the Belgian question. On this point the fundamental views of the Imperial Government differ from those ascribed to us by English statesmen. We regard Belgium as one question in the entire complex. We must, however, decline to make, as it were, a prior concession by giving a statement on the Belgian question which would bind us, without in the least binding the enemy.
"Mr. Balfour, moreover, by way of precaution, has added that we must in no way imagine that any agreement on the Belgian question exhausts the stock of English or Entente wishes. He prudently abstained from describing those points in which he intends to announce more far-reaching claims or desires.
"The supposition is not unjustified by previous experiences that while these words, on the one hand, were addressed to Paris, on the other hand covetous desires floated across the Mediterranean to the parts of Palestine and Mesopotamia at present occupied by the British troops.
"I hear already the justification which will be duly given for such desires, namely, that England could not possibly make such sacrifices of blood and treasure without reserving for herself most of the gains.
"Hopes for Allied Peace Offers.—As regards the probable course of events, the Imperial Chancellor and I have previously declared that in the present stage of development far-going advances on the road to peace can hardly any longer be expected from public statements which we shout to each other from the speaker's tribune. We, too, can adopt the words spoken by Mr. Asquith."
Dr. von Kühlmann quoted from Mr. Asquith's speech of May 16, in which it was said that the British Government would not turn a deaf ear to a peace proposal if it was not couched in ambiguous terms.
"We, likewise," he added, "can make the same declaration, knowing that it is also our policy. Once the moment arrives—when, I cannot prophesy—that the nations which are at present locked in battle will exchange peace views, one of the preliminary conditions must be a certain degree of mutual confidence in each other's honesty and chivalry.
“For so long as every overture is regarded by others as a peace offensive, as a trap, or as something false for the purpose of sowing disunion between allies, so long as every attempt at a rapproachement is at once violently denounced by the enemies of a rapproachement in the various countries, so long will it be impossible to see how any exchange of ideas leading to peace can be begun.
"Our positions on the battlefields, our enormous military, resources, and the situation and determination at home permit us to use such language. We hope that our enemies will perceive that in view of our resources the idea of victory for the Entente is a dream, an illusion, and that they will in due course find a way to approach us with peace offers which will correspond with the situation and satisfy Germany's vital needs."
The minister then optimistically outlined German activities for the freedom of Russia under German control, admitted the difficulties of the Polish problem, and praised Count Burian for furthering a closer alliance between Germany and Austria.
ADMIRAL VON HINTZE SUCCEEDS KÜHLMANN.—Dr. von Kühlmann, who had served under Count Lichnowsky in London, was out of favor with pan-German, Junker, and Jingo elements, which at the time of his speech were predominant in Germany. His ascription to Russia of primary responsibility for the war and his comparative leniency toward England, together with his failure to fall in with the idea of a peace forced by the sword, gave a target for their attacks.
On July 9 the news reached the foreign press that Dr. von Kühlmann's resignation had been accepted, and that Admiral von Hintze, ex-Minister to Mexico and China and Minister to Norway, would succeed him. Hintze's record shows him an active and willing tool of the militaristic element, who will be even more subservient than his predecessor to the control of the general staff. While in Mexico, before and after the outbreak of war, he pursued a policy of active intrigue against the United States. He returned to Germany in the remarkable guise of an English gentleman, and in 1915, when appointed Minister to China, he eluded the Japanese by crossing the Pacific as super-cargo in a Norwegian tramp steamer.
On July 12 Chancellor von Hertling stated, "I will give my counter-signature to the appointment of Admiral von Hintze only on condition that he follows my line of policy and not his own. . . . . The proposed Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs is absolutely clear on this point."
CHANCELLOR VON HERTLING ON GERMANY'S TERMS.—In the debate following Foreign Minister von Kühlmann's speech of June 25, the Chancellor decried any further discussion of a league of nations, on the ground that such a league would have for its aim the isolation of Germany. He further laid the blame for the continuance of the war wholly to the Allies.
"Now, as before," he continued, "the ruler of the empire, the princes and the people stand closely and confidently together. They trust in our incomparable troops, our incomparable army leaders, and our united people, who are unshakably standing together, and we may hope that the Almighty, who hitherto has helped us and led us from victory to victory, will reward this faithful German people."
VON HERTLING'S SPEECH OF JULY 11.—In discussing the political situation before the Reichstag on July 11, the German Chancellor made it clear that while Germany was counting on victory by the sword, she was still willing to undertake negotiations at any time along the lines of the Peace of Brest-Litovsk and with the prospect of similar results.
Among the noteworthy points in the address were the following:
1. As long as the desire for our destruction exists, we must hold out.
2. Serious peace overtures will be carefully examined.
3. No future settlement can be permitted to upset the peace of Brest-Litovsk.
4. The Chancellor is still to direct foreign policy.
5. Belgium is to be held as a pawn in the peace conference.
The parts of the speech received by wireless on July 12 follow:
"I maintain the standpoint of the imperial reply to the peace note of Pope Benedict. The pacific spirit which inspired this reply has also inspired me. At the time, however, I added that this spirit must not give our enemies free conduct for an interminable continuation of the war.
"What have we lived to see, however? While for years there can have been no doubt whatever of our willingness to hold out our hand toward an honorable peace, we have heard until these last few days inciting speeches delivered by enemy statesmen. President Wilson wants war until we are destroyed, and what Mr. Balfour, the British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, has said must really drive the flush of anger to the cheeks of every German."
"Says Allies Insult Germany.—We feel for the honor of our fatherland, and we cannot allow ourselves to be constantly and openly insulted in this manner, and behind these insults is the desire for our destruction. As long as this desire for our destruction exists we must endure together with our faithful nation.
"I am also convinced—I know it—that in the widest circles of our nation the same serious feeling exists everywhere. As long as the desire for our destruction exists we must hold out, and we will hold out, with confidence in our troops, in our army administration and our magnificent nation, which bears so wonderfully these difficult times with their great privations and continuous sacrifices.
"In the direction of our policy nothing will be changed. If, in spite of these hostile statements by these statesmen, any serious efforts for a paving of the way to peace were to show themselves anywhere, then, quite certainly, we would not adopt a negative attitude from the very beginning, but we would examine these seriously-meant—I say expressly seriously—efforts immediately with scrupulous care."
"For Limited Peace Discussion.—Naturally, it is not sufficient when some agent or other approaches us and says to us: ‘I can bring about peace negotiations, then and there.' But it is necessary for the appointed representatives of the enemy powers, duly authorized by their governments, to give us to understand that discussions are possible, discussions which for the time being naturally will be within a limited circle.
"But the statesmen who have spoken up to the present time have not said a word about such possibilities. When such possiblities manifest themselves, and when serious inclinations toward peace show themselves on the other side, then we will immediately go into them. That is to say, we will not reject them—and we will speak, to begin, within a small circle.
"I also can tell you that this peace must not disturb the settlement with Russia. It is our purpose to see this peace carried out in a loyal manner. That is the wish of the German Imperial Administration, and it is supported in this by the Chief of the Army Administration.
"However, the difficulty of the execution of the peace of Brest-Litovsk does not lie on our side, but in the fact that conditions in Russia are still exceedingly uncertain. We are inclined to believe in the loyalty of the present Russian Government, and especially in the loyalty of the representative of the Russian Government in Berlin.
"But we may not, and cannot, assume unconditionally that the present Russian Government has the power to carry through everywhere the loyal promises made to us. We do not at all wish to create difficulties for the present Russian Government, but as conditions now are, there are incessant developments and endless frictions in the frontier region. However, our principle is that we stand on the basis of the peace made at Brest-Litovsk, and we will carry out this peace loyally and will deal loyally with the present Government."
"Blames Murder on Entente.—They are still under the depressing influence of a terrible crime in Moscow. The murder of our Ambassador there was an act in violation of international law than which a worse could never cry to heaven.
"All indications point to the fact that the accursed deed was instigated by the Entente Allies in order to involve us in fresh war with the present Russian Government—a state of things which we are most anxious to avoid. We do not want fresh war with Russia. The present Russian Government desires peace and needs peace, and we are giving it our support in this peaceful disposition and aim.
"On the other hand, it is true that political currents of very varied tendencies are circulating in the Russian Empire, movements having the most diverse aims, including the monarchist movement of the Constitutional Democrats and the movements of the Social Revolutionaries. We will not commit ourselves to any political counter-current, but are giving careful attention to the course Russia is steering."
"Will Direct Hintze's Policy.—In connection with this point, the Imperial Chancellor passed to a review of the political situation in the West. He then spoke of the reasons which led to the resignation of Dr. von Kühlmann, and concluded:
"The name of the man who is proposed as Dr. von Kühlmann's successor is known to you. Admiral von Hintze possesses a thorough knowledge of Russian affairs, which is a matter of great importance in the present situation. But it goes witout saying that I will give my counter-signature to the appointment of Admiral von Hintze only on condition that he follows my line of policy and not his own.
"However, as far as I am concerned, I already have a sure guarantee, for this is Admiral von Hintze's promise. I will direct the line of foreign policy, and the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs has merely to carry out my policy. The proposed Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs is absolutely clear on this point.
"The course with which the great majority of the Reichstag declared itself to be in agreement in November of last year will still be followed."—N. Y. Times, 13/7.
BELGIUM HELD AS A PAWN.—The following passages relating to Belgium did not appear in the earlier versions of the Chancellor's address:
"It was never our intention to keep Belgium except as a pledge by which to secure Germany against future perils, and until the danger is removed we cannot surrender our pledge.
"In peace we must be guaranteed against Belgium being used for ground on which to deploy military forces, but also from the economic standpoint we must have guarantees against being isolated.
"It must be made to the interest of Belgium to secure close economic relations with Germany. Should Germany succeed in attaining such an intimate commercial connection, this would bring about a political agreement with Germany in which we should secure the best guarantees against future perils from England and France by way of Belgium."
The North German Gazette preceded its quotation from the Chancellor's speech by stating that, the first part of the speech regarding Belgium having already been published, the latter part of his observations was now issued to the press because the members of the Reichstag demanded it.
GERMAN PEACE PROGRAMS.—Illustrating the peace discussions at present rife in Germany, and put forward in the hope that Germany may be able to retire with her Eastern conquests intact, two sets of terms may be cited, the first a comparatively moderate statement for both foreign and home consumption, and the second a frank assertion of what Germany really would like.
The following dispatch from Copenhagen on July 9 was put forward by George Bernhardt, political editor of the Vossiche Zeitung of Berlin:
France and Italy to discuss with Germany and Austria their future frontier without the intervention of third parties.
All the German colonies to be returned.
Belgium to be restored completely as an independent State.
All merchants of the Central Powers who have been deprived of their property overseas to be restored to their former rights of possession.
Great Britain to evacuate unconditionally all parts of the Turkish Empire and Persia.
The situation before the war to be restored in Egypt.
The Dardanelles, on the basis of a treaty applying to the States bordering on the Black Sea, to be free for the passage of Russian ships.
“The time is now ripe to discuss peace conditions openly. Having regard to the ideal peace conditions laid down by President Wilson, unanimity on the matter undoubtedly could easily be reached if a method of discussing the peace terms could only be agreed upon," Bernhardt says. He adds that Germany and her allies would undoubtedly accept reasonable disarmament proposals.
President Wilson's demands for self-government by small nations, the writer says, would be favorably received, but the Central Powers would insist upon knowing the attitude of England regarding Ireland. Negotiations, the writer adds, should take place directly between the belligerents respecting frontier regulations.
The second proposals were set forth by Count von Roon of the pan-German party, and forwarded from Amsterdam on June 30, as follows:
1. No armistice by sea or land until the British forces have left France and Belgium and the Germans are in Paris.
2. Annexation of Belgian territory, which, though having administrative autonomy, is to be under military and economic control of Germany, while Flanders is to be independent and the coast up to and including Calais is to be annexed by Germany.
3. Annexation of the Briey-Longwy region.
4. France to surrender Belfort, Toul, Verdun, and all the territory to the east of those forts.
5. Return of all German colonies, including Kiao-Chau.
6. To bring about freedom of the seas, England is to surrender her fleet and coaling stations, yet to be decided upon, and Gibraltar is to be returned to Spain.
7. The whole British Navy is to be surrendered to Germany.
8. England is to return Egypt with the Suez Canal to Turkey, as well as all occupied Turkish territory.
9. Evacuation of Greece and the restoration of King Constantine.
10. The division of Serbia and Montenegro between Austria and Bulgaria.
11. Payment of an indemnity of $45,000,000,000 by America, England, and France, and a provision for necessary supplies of raw material.
12. Occupation of French and Belgian territory to continue till the agreement is carried out, the costs of occupation being defrayed by the enemy.
AUSTRIA
AUSTRIAN PREMIER RETAINED IN OFFICE.—The Austrian Cabinet headed by Dr. von Seidler resigned in a body on June 23, in the midst of the disastrous Italian offensive; and on the Monday following (June 25) it was announced that the Premier refused to reconsider his decision to withdraw. An order from the Emperor, however, forced him to remain in office until the time was more opportune for a new cabinet.
Addressing the Reichsrat, or Lower House, in Austria on its assembling July 16 after a four months' recess, the Premier spoke glowingly of the "old and well proved alliance with the German Empire." Turning to internal affairs, he expressed the present strongly pro-German tendency of the government.
Dr. von Seidler recalled the refusal of the Czech Clubs to collaborate in revising the Constitution and said that if the government was not to expose itself to the reproach of political passivity it had to put into effect its program on national autonomy. Hence the decrees for the partition of Bohemia into districts.
It was far from his intention to deny that this was a German course, Dr. von Seidler continued, because if there was a political force in Austria it could only be such as guaranteed the protection of the just interests of the German race. The backbone of this multiform state was the German race, and it would always be so. The government would not be deflected from the course upon which it had entered. For those parties which stood aloof, Dr. von Seidler added, the door of understanding was always open. Over this door, however, was written, "Welcome to all who are loyal to the dynasty and the State." Declaring that the government had no animosity toward other races, Dr. von Seidler said that all the Germans and Austrians demanded was to be allowed to live and develop in peace. The government, he said, would also endeavor to do full justice to the national requirements of the races living in Galicia.—N. Y. Times, 18/7.
BURIAN READY TO TALK BEACE.—According to Vienna dispatches, Baron von Burian, the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister, in a note addressed to the Austrian and Hungarian Premiers on July 16, declared "there is hardly any difference between the general principles enunciated by the Entente and Teutonic statesmen."
In reference to President Wilson's four new points in his July 4 speech, Baron Burian said he was able to approve of them heartily and that to a great extent "nobody would refuse homage to his genius and nobody would refuse his co-operation."
The Foreign Minister said:
"In the midst of the terrible struggle, and in every phase of this war of successful defense, the Central Powers have had no other aim in view but to obtain the enemy's will to peace.
"If we sum up all that has been said on the enemy's side in regard to their war aims we recognize three groups of aspirations which are being set forth to justify the continuation of bloodshed so that the ideals of mankind may be realized.
"The freedom of all nations, which are to form a league of nations and which in future shall settle their difficulties by arbitration and not by arms, is to reign.
"The domination of one nation by another nation is to be excluded.
"Various territorial changes are to be carried out at the expense of the Central Powers.
"These annexationist aims, though variously shaped, are generally known.
"The intention, however, also exists, especially in regard to Austria-Hungary, to carry out her internal disintegration for the purpose of the formation of new states. Finally, our opponents demand our atonement because we dared to defend ourselves, and successfully against their attacks. Our ability to defend ourselves is termed militarism and must, therefore, be destroyed.
"Territorial aims are, in fact, the only things now separating the different belligerent groups.
"For the great interests of humanity and for justice, freedom, honor and peace of the world, as set forth in the laws of modern political conception, regarding which we need not accept any advice, we also are ready to fight.
There is hardly any difference between the general principles enunciated by the statesmen of both belligerents. President Wilson's four new points of July 4 shall not, apart from certain exaggerations, arouse our opposition.
"On the contrary we are able to approve them heartily to a great extent. Nobody would refuse homage to his genius and nobody would refuse his co-operation. This, however, is not the main point, but it is what can also be understood in the interests of mankind. Both groups should certainly honestly attempt to clear this up and settle it by mutual agreement, but not in the same manner as, for instance, our peace treaties in the East were judged.
"The fact is that all our opponents were invited to join in those negotiations and they could have contributed their share in bringing them to a different issue. But now, when it is too late, their criticism stands on weak grounds, for there is no legal right which would have entitled them to condemn the peace conditions which were acceptable to the contracting parties.
"From the confident utterances of our opponents it appears they have no fear of being defeated. If they, nevertheless, represent the peace treaties as a warning of our treatment of a defeated enemy we do not consider the reproach justified.
"None of the belligerent states need ever come into the position of Russia and Rumania, as we are ever, ready to enter into peace negotiations with all our opponents.
"If our enemies continuously demand atonement for wrong done and restitution, then this is a claim which we could urge with more justification against them, because we have been attacked and the wrong done to us must be redressed.
"The enemy's obstinacy regarding his territorial demands regarding Alsace-Lorraine, Trieste, the Trentino and the German colonies appears to be insurmountable. There lies the limit of our readiness for peace. We are prepared to discuss everything except our own territory.
"The enemy not only wants to cut from Austria-Hungary what he would like for himself, but the inner structure, that of the monarchy itself, too, is to be attacked and the monarchy dissolved, if possible, into component parts.
"Now that it is recognized that ordinary war methods have not sufficed to defeat us, interest in our internal affairs suddenly has become supreme. The Entente, however, discovered its sympathy in our internal affairs so late that many an enemy statesman who now prates about the monarchy's national questions as a war aim had probably no idea of their existence at the beginning of the war.
"This fact can be recognized from that amateurish and superficial manner in which our opponents discuss and attempt to solve these complicated problems. This method, however, appears to them to be useful. They therefore organized it as they have organized the blockade, and in England they now have a propaganda minister.
"We wish to place this attack on record without useless indignation or whining. The choice of this new means of fighting us does not show too great a confidence in the success of the enemy's previous efforts. We are certain it will be unsuccessful.
"Our opponents start from a completely mechanical misjudgment of the character of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy and prefer in their satisfaction to overlook in the present difficult international problems the fact that these states with their various nationalities are no accidental structures, but a product of historical and ethnographical necessity, which carry in themselves the fundamental principle of life and race.
"They, therefore, possess, and this applies fully to Austria and Hungary, the necessary elasticty and adaptability to the changing events of the times, and the ability to reform themselves according to the necessity of their standard of development and to solve all internal crises without uncalled for foreign interference.
"Our enemies want to paralyze us by an offensive of irritation and to render us helpless. They want to crush our very powerful organism in order to make weak parts one after the other serviceable to their own purposes.
"According to their uninvited prescriptions, one-half of Austria-Hungary's' population may perish in order to make the other half happy. For that purpose this senseless war must be continued.
"As has always been the case for centuries past, the states and races of the monarchy will settle their internal problems in agreement with their rulers. The monarchy resolutely declines foreign interference in any form, just as it does not meddle with the affairs of foreigners.
"We have never prescribed a program for our enemies as to how they shall deal with their domestic questions, and when we have had occasion frequently to recall that it is not all happiness and harmony with our enemies in their domestic affairs and that they have their own problems in Ireland, India, etc., we did so only by way of exhortation to reciprocity, giving the advice, 'Sweep first your own door!'
"Our enemy's inflammatory activity is not content with trying to stir up our races against one another, but it does not even scruple, by means of circulating monstrous and base calumnies, to sow distrust between the races of the monarchy and the hereditary dynasty."—Philadelphia Public Ledger, 17/7.
BURIAN'S SUBTERFUGES—The Foreign Minister declares that "territorial aims, are, in fact, the only things now separating the different belligerent groups." He would have it appear that these territorial aims are imperialistic, prompted by the desire to seize territory as a spoil of war. No one knows better than he that the Allies desire territorial changes only that enslaved peoples may be set free, that they may become masters of their own destinies, and achieve their own national aspirations. Aside from the first great obstacle to peace, German militarism still unconquered, there are three others, three issues of the war which Baron Burian regards as already settled, but about which the Allies hold a different opinion. They are the treaty of Brest-Litovsk, which put 175,000,000 Russians in thrall-dom to the Central Powers; the treaty of Bucharest, which reduced Rumania to the condition of a vassal state, and the aspirations of the nationalities under bondage to Austria to achieve their freedom.
The Foreign Minister of the Dual Monarchy has the impudence to speak of that blot upon the face of civilization as “a product of historical and ethnographical necessity, which carry in themselves the fundamental principle of life and race." We have no idea what that means, but we know very well what President Wilson meant when he said:
"The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the nations we wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be accorded the freest opportunity of autonomous self-government."
Austria will accept no foreign advice in this matter, says the Baron. "The states and races of the monarchy will settle their internal problems in agreement with their ruler." It is one of the war aims of the Allies to deliver these nationalities from their present "ruler," who has always treated them as subject peoples. This is a vital war aim, because until it has been carried out, the peace of Europe and the peace of the world will rest upon no secure basis. The hope of deliverance grows in the hearts of these peoples with every day of the war's progress, and they can be denied only at the cost of endless uprisings and strikes in the future.—N. Y. Times, 18/7.
LANSING RENEWS PLEDGE TO SLAVS.—German and Austrian propaganda representing the United States as favoring the freedom of Poland without regard for what happens generally to the Czechoslovaks and Jugoslavs led Secretary Lansing to issue a statement to-day definitely announcing that the position of the American Government is that all branches of the Slav race should be completely freed from German and Austrian rule.
The statement follows:
"Since the issuance by this government on May 29 of the statement regarding the nationalistic aspirations for freedom of the Czechoslovaks and Jugoslavs, German and Austrian officials and sympathizers have sought to misinterpret and distort its manifest interpretation. In order that there may be no misunderstanding concerning the meaning of the statement, the Secretary of State has to-day further announced the position of the United States Government to be that all branches of the Slav race should be completely freed from German and Austrian rule."
RUSSIA
KERENSKY VISITS ENTENTE POWERS.—Alexander Kerensky, visiting England and France on his way to America, spoke on June 27 before the British Labor Conference then in session in London.
A special correspondent of the Chronicle, giving Kerensky's views, says that in Kerensky's opinion the Allied policy must take a clear line against the Bolsheviki. They must not be regarded as identical either with the Russian nation or with democracy; on the contrary, they are the antihesis of both. Anti-Bolshevist feeling in Russia is intense and universal, except among certain elements in the army and in the urban working class.
They have now little or no peasant support, but the people cannot act against their rulers, as the latter control the artillery, the munitions, the railways, and so much of the machinery of government as still exists. Moreover, they are disunited, with no rallying center, and the Bolsheviki do their best to prevent anybody from creating one, by wholesale suppression of liberty of the press and of public meeting.
Kerensky is strongly in favor of Allied military intervention, but it should be intervention of the Allies and not of any one Allied power. That would not prevent some one Allied power, as Japan, from contributing the bulk of effectives. Its character should be military to fight the Germans, not to interfere in Russian politics as such.
He is convinced the Russian military forces will eventually take a leading part in driving the Germans out of their country. At present large elements in the Russian reactionary parties are turning to Germany as their only salvation from the Bolsheviki. This movement will tend to spread to the other parties, unless the Allies supply an effective alternative hope.
In his subsequent visit to Paris Kerensky associated chiefly with Socialist leaders, and expressed views less favorable to military intervention than those suggested by the Chronicle reporter. It was said that Kerensky preferred the term "assistance" to "intervention," and maintained that Russia was not ultimately out of the war. He presented the appearance of a man "long hounded and in fear of his life."
RUSSIA FACES CALAMITY.—"The strongest reason I have for sending assistance to Russia," said Lord Robert Cecil, in an interview with a representative of the N. Y. Times on July 19, "is that I am convinced that only by our aid can Russia live. We don't know what is going on in Moscow, but we may be sure that Russia is face to face with the most terrible disaster, both economic and hygienic, which any people has ever experienced. Asiatic cholera and typhus in all its forms are raging and the mortality must be fearfully high."
"To me it is a most terrible thing that in a country far more self-supporting, not only in its southern districts, but also in Siberia, than other countries there are vast populations within a few hundred, miles of the most fertile regions in imminent risk of starvation. It is all the result of disorganization. Why, I was told to-day that in a large, fertile region south of Omsk and Tomsk the population had been unable to get any clothing since the beginning of the war.
“The Czechoslovak force, which numbers something like 60,000, seems to be the only organized force in Siberia. They stand not for any particular form of government, but are the only form of government, even of a most elementary character, in all that vast territory, and if they are wiped out there would seem to be nothing left that could save Russia.
"Quite good judges have expressed the view—don't give the figures as coming from myself—that unless some help comes speedily the death roll in Russia this winter may reach 20,000,000."
GERMAN AMBASSADOR ASSASSINATED.—On July 6 at 3 p. m., General Count von Mirbach, the German ambassador sent to Moscow after the Peace of Brest-Litovsk, was assassinated in his offices in the Russian capital. At the time of the murder revolutionary rioting was going on in the streets of Moscow, and the Soviet government reported that the ambassador's death was engineered by leaders of the Social Revolutionary (anti-Bolsheviki) party.
The Allied powers viewed this manifestation of Russian political activity without deep regret. Germany, however, not seeing a way to turn the episode to advantage, declared that the Soviet government was not to be held responsible.
ALLIES OCCUPY MURMAN COAST.—Dispatches of July 15 confirmed earlier reports that British and American naval forces in the Arctic had landed troops and occupied the Murman coast and parts of the Murman railroad. This was done with the approval of the local population, whose interests are with the Allies, and with the object of preventing supplies in Arctic ports from falling into hostile hands, guarding the only western communications between Russia and the Allies, and shutting Germany off from a possible submarine base in the Arctic. Thus at the same time a route is kept open for further aid to Russia.
American and British troops have occupied the whole of the Murman coast, in Northern Russia, says a despatch from Moscow to the Central News Agency by way of Amsterdam.
After capturing Kern, a railroad station on the White Sea coast, the dispatch adds, the American and British forces advanced toward Toroki, the Russian Bolshevist authorities having withdrawn to Nirok.
The commanders of the Entente allied forces have issued an appeal to the population on the Murman coast requesting help against Germany and Finland. It is declared that the Murman coast is Russian territory under the protection of the Entente Powers.
M. Tchitcherin, the Russian Foreign Minister, has addressed a note to Great Britain demanding that the British detachments now on the Murman coast be re-embarked without delay.—N. Y. Times, 7/7.
FINLAND NEUTRAL.—A bill providing for the establishment of a monarchy in Finland has passed its second reading in the Finnish Parliament by the narrow margin of four votes, says a Helsingfors dispatch by way of Copenhagen to the Exchange Telegraph Company.
Republicans have started an energetic agitation against the bill, and it is not improbable, the dispatch adds, that the Finnish Government will have to resign, as the majority in favor of the bill is insufficient.
It is stated that Finland intends to remain neutral if a serious conflict occurs in the Murman country, where Entente allied forces have assumed control.
The Nordeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung of Berlin declares that Germany has sufficient forces in Finland to deal with the Entente troops and the Red Guards.—N. Y. Times, 17/7.
THE MURMAN COAST AND RAILWAY.—Having just arrived from the Murman district, in the north of Russia, V. Goriachkovsky, chief engineer of the Murman railroad system, was able yesterday to confirm the reports that the entire Murman population is eagerly appealing for Allied intervention.
"I am not in the least surprised that the population of Murman has proclaimed openly for the Allies," he declared. The people there are hostile to Bolshevism, and, being remotely located from the Soviet machine in Moscow, have not yet been terrorized by Red Guards. Spending nearly two years among them, I could not help being impressed with their outspoken loyalty to the cause of the Allies.
"This devotion has been developed, not only by reason of their patriotic faith in the cause of the Allies, but also by reason of the fact that since the revolution and even before the Murman population has received almost all of its food and supplies from America and the other Allies. So far as the Soviet Government in Moscow is concerned, the Murman district is left to starve, and would starve if it were not for the food that is coming through the ice-free port of Mourmansk from the Allies.
"This is true to such an extent that the people in the Murman region feel much closer to New York than they do to Moscow, and are accustomed to look to the Allies for friendship and help rather than to the government which now assumes to rule in Russia.
The Murman railroad, Mr. Goriachkovsky said, would furnish the tactical avenue of approach from this direction and would be of inestimable value to the Allies in maintaining a steady line of communications from the Arctic to the interior of Russia. The railroad runs from the ice-free port of Murmansk to Perosavodsk, a distance of 1000 kilometers and from there connects by water with further interior points. Its distance from the Finnish border on the west varies from 200 to 60 miles. Although one-third of the route, including the harbor of Urmansk, lies completely within the Polar region, the warm currents that pass through that particular region of the coast keep this Arctic port free from ice all year around and make it accessible to foreign shipping.
"Russia had to find such a port," said Mr. Goriachkovsky, "because the outbreak of the war found it cut off from the sea in the south and the west, and Archangel was accessible only five months in the year, being closed with ice the other seven months. Now that she has developed an ice-free harbor and an avenue of communication from the north, you can well understand that Germany is endeavoring to launch through Finland all the military and political intrigue that she can, to deprive the Allies of access to Russia through the Murman road.
"The reports that thousands of German prisoners used in the construction of the railroad during the years 1915 and 1916 have died from disease are an example of German propaganda in that direction. Thousands of German prisoners were interned in the Murman district, and it is true that many of the workers on the railroad did develop scurvy, owing to the primitive conditions under which the road had to be constructed. But the death rate has been miraculously low. Not more than 1 per cent of those taken ill have died."
Describing the general character of the country, Mr. Goriachkovsky said:
"Murmansk, the terminal station of the Murman Railway, is situated at the short of the Kola Gulf. It is a good and deep harbor, well protected against winds by the high, rocky shores of the gulf. The depth near the piers is 32 feet, and in the bay 70 feet at low tide. The tide attains a height of 11 feet at times. In the summer months there is perpetual daylight, and in the winter months the port is lit with electricity, supplied by a central power station.
"The region which is penetrated by the Murman line is mostly covered with forests, chiefly pine trees. Near the sea there has already been considerable cutting, most of this timber being exported to England. There are some large sawmills at Soroka, Keret, and Kovda. As soon as the rails of the Murman line were joined, although the line itself was not yet complete, we started to carry from Murmansk to the interior war supplies, which were furnished by America, England, and France. During the winter of 1916-17 the entire amount of ammunition landed at Murmansk, about 1000,000 tons, was transported by the new railway from Murmansk to the front. In comparison with this achievement, it is worth noticing that the transportation of the munitions for the Russian Army from Vladivostok by the Siberian Railroad was not half so successful. A good deal of war materials consigned from that port did not reach the front at all.
"To bring goods from America, it is, of course, safer that they should come by way of Vladivostok than by way of Murmansk. On the other hand, it must be remembered that the distance from Vladivostok to the front is eight times greater than the distance from Murmansk. In the spring of 1917 the Murman Railroad, not yet completed, carried three times more cars to the front daily than did the Siberian Railroad.
"'During the summer of 1917, after all steamers were directed straight for Archangel harbor and the Murman Railway was temporarily relieved of the traffic, we got an opportunity to finish the construction of the road. The erection of dams on the swamps and the ballasting of the roadbed were made possible on large scale owing to the prompt and regular delivery at Murmansk of considerable construction machinery from America. The excavation of earthworks amounted to 10,000,000 cubic meters, of which more than 1,000,000 cubic meters consisted of stone that had to be blown up with dynamite. The total length of the bridges along the line is 16,000 meters. At the present time provided as it is with stations, water supplies, dwellings, and materials, the Murman Railway, once furnished with the necessary rolling stock, can easily carry 3500 tons of supplies per day, while the port of Murmansk, with its piers, cranes, and tracks, is equipped to receive the same amount of tonnage daily."
Military Protection Needed.—According to Mr. Goriachkovsky, immediate steps should be taken to supply the Murman road with ample military protection.
"This would not be a difficult task," he said. "It would merely require the placing of an adequate force at both extremities of the road, Murmansk and Petrosavodsk, or at some point in the center of the line, from which troops could be readily dispatched to any portion of the road that might be in danger of attack. At the present time, of course, there are some Allied vessels off Murmansk, but the other end of the road, Petrosavodsk, is entirely exposed to German penetration.
"The loss of the Murmansk Road would mean the loss of the only available approach directly into Russia. Every precaution should be taken to prevent such a catastrophe. For the protection of the road not a very large force would be necessary, because the inhabitants themselves, in their loyalty to the Allies, and in their knowledge that the road is the only means by which they can get their food, could be relied upon to give all the assistance in their power to guard the line against damage.—N. Y. Times, 14/7.
ALLIED INTERVENTION HANGS FIRE
RUSSIAN ECONOMIC MISSION.—During June and July the plan of the United States Government for aid to Russia tended to assume the form of an economic mission. This plan was proposed by the President to his Cabinet, on June 25, and was afterward discussed with the Allied nations. It was reported on July 16 that Mr. Daniel Willard, President of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, had been offered a place on this body of business men, industrial leaders and financiers, and that Mr. Frank A. Vanderlip, President of the National City Bank of New York, would also be a member.
CZECHOSLAV ARMY OCCUPIES VLADIVOSTOK.—Diplomatic advices received July 15 from Vladivostok said that the city was quiet, with Czechoslovak forces in complete control after enforcing general disarmament and occupying the principal government buildings.
American, British, and Japanese naval guards who have been on duty for months guarding war stores were reinforced from ships in the harbor when it became apparent that the Czechoslovaks were preparing to take charge of the city by force. They apparently had no part in the fighting, however.
The Czechoslovaks issued an ultimatum to the Soviet demanding disarmament and surrender of the city. Russian sailors at the naval barracks laid down their arms, but some detachments of the Red Guard resisted and lost a number of men. Some of the Czechoslovaks also were killed.
The dispatch added that four Russian destroyers controlled by the Bolshevist Government had been prevented from leaving the harbor by the Allied naval commanders.
At the same time the total overthrow of the Bolsheviki at Irkutsk was reported, and according to later dispatches the Czechoslovaks were making progress toward control of the Siberian Railway between this important point and Vladivostok. The town of Klutschevsk, 550 miles east of Irkutsk, fell into their hands on July 15. In the region west of Lake Baikal, the occupation of the important city of Kazan, 430 miles east of Moscow, marked a decisive step toward complete control of Siberia east of the Ural Mountains.
The arrival of Col. Hurban, a representative of the Czechoslovaks, at Tokio en route for the United States, was announced on July 4. Col. Hurban estimated the Czechoslovaks in Siberia to number about 80,000, of whom 15,000 were at Vladivostok. Preliminary to military and financial support, Japanese and American Red Cross Aid was dispatched to the Czechoslovak forces.
RIVAL GOVERNMENTS SET UP IN SIBERIA.—General Horvath has proclaimed a provisional Siberian Government at Grodekovo between the Manchurian border and Vladivostok, whereof he is the head as Premier and Foreign Minister, with others holding various portfolios. The proclamation announces the abolition of all Bolshevik decrees, the equality of all citizens, universal suffrage, the maintenance of all foreign engagements, etc.
The Allied ministers this morning decided to advise General Horvath to withdraw the proclamation and retire, on the ground of the inexpediency of forming any government at the present moment, when the situation is not clear. Horvath's government, as well as the other so-called provisional government in Vladivostok, professes a connection with the new provisional government at Omsk. That in itself, however, has not been firmly established yet, nor is any estimate of its strength possible until communications are opened between western and eastern Siberia.—Philadelphia Public Ledger, 17/7.
The Daily Mail's Harbin correspondent, describing General Horvath's Government, says it is a thoroughly representative Siberian Government. Included in it are the most prominent figures in the commercial, industrial, and agricultural life of the Siberian continent. It promises to be acceptable to nine-tenths of the Siberian population, the correspondent says, and he adds:
"General Horvath who is temporarily Premier, made his reputation in the Russo-Japanese war as organizer of troop transport across the Siberian Railway. He was right-hand man of Alexieff when the latter was Viceroy of the Far East. At present he is head of the Chinese Eastern Railway and generally recognized as the most representative Russian in Manchuria.
"Provisionally a member of the new government, Admiral Koltchak, who formerly commanded the Black Sea fleet, is now Commandant of the Harbin Russian forces. The new government has this in its favor: That it represents all political elements, Cadets, Liberals, and Socialists. Only such a coalition government could hope to succeed.
"A purely Socialistic Government is now at Nikolsk, negotiating with the Czechoslovaks before proclaiming itself. Some opposition is expected, but it is not of a character to carry much weight."
In a later message, dated July 9, the correspondent says:
"The absolute necessity that exists for Allied intervention in Siberia is clearly demonstrated by the opera bouffe of two rival governments, each claiming to represent the unfortunate Siberians. The newer of these two governments is Horvath's which is now at Nikolsk. It includes men of action and solid representatives of Siberian interests, and, therefore, in my opinion, is much more likely to make good in Siberia and to receive Allied approval than the older government, which has transferred its Parliament from a railway car in Harbin to Vladivostok.—New York Times, 16/7.
ALLIED INTERVENTION DISCUSSED.—The Japanese Government has reached a decision, which was the outcome of proposals from the United States, says a dispatch from Tokio to the Times under date of July 13, for joint American-Japanese intervention in Siberia. The American proposals, the dispatch adds, were different from those made by Great Britain and France.
Tokio dispatches to the Associated Press announce that the Japanese newspapers on Tuesday published the terms of an American proposal to send American troops to Siberia. The newspapers declared that the Japanese Government had decided to accept the suggestion made by the American Government that Japan also send troops.
"According to information in Tokio," says the dispatch, "the plans of the United States in Russia are twofold: First, military assistance to the Czechoslovaks, and second, giving general economic help to Russia.
"The United States is described as being of the feeling that the Czechoslovaks should not be abandoned while they are striving to reach their aim. It is said there is no desire on the part of the American Government to intervene in Russian affairs, but that it favors the despatch of sufficient forces to leave the Czechoslovaks free to insure the safe arrival of their comrades from the interior.
"The impression here to-night is that Japan, in a spirit of co-operation with her allies, will follow the suggestion, and, like the Americans, send troops. Great Britain and France, it is said, also will send small contingents, so as to make the movement interallied.
"Many Japanese leaders, however, favor more extensive military movements in Siberia than have been suggested by the United States. Their ideas are based on combatting the eastward extension of German influence and the safeguarding of Japan's interests. It is suggested as not being unlikely that the Japanese Government, responding to this opinion, which is growing, later may open negotiations with the United States and the Entente Governments concerning the wisdom of intervention in Russia, which, while being chiefly directed by Japan, would be supported by all the Allies.
"The indications are that the statesmen who guide the policies of the empire desire to work in close harmony with the Allies, including the United States."—N. Y. Times, 19/7.
EX-CZAR'S DEATH OFFICIALLY CONFIRMED.—Wife and Son Sent to a Place of Security—Important Documents to Be Made Public.—Former Emperor Nicholas, of Russia, has been shot, a Russian wireless statement to-day announces. The former Empress and the young Alexis Romanoff, the former heir apparent, have been sent to a place of security. The Central Executive body of the Bolshevik Government announces that it has at its disposal important material documents concerning the former Emperor's affairs, including his own diaries.
The message announces that a counter-revolutionary conspiracy was discovered, with the object of wresting the ex-Emperor from the authority of the Soviet council. In view of this fact the president of the Ural regional council decided to execute the former ruler and the decision was carried out on July 16.—Baltimore American, 21/7.
BALKAN STATES
PRO-ALLIES IN RUMANIA ATTACKED.—Deputy Stroict introduced a resolution in Parliament to-day demanding the impeachment of the members of the former Rumanian Cabinet headed by J. J. C. Bratiano, for their connection with the entry of Rumania into the war.
The men mentioned by the Deputy were ex-Premier Bratiano, E. Costinesco, ex-Minister of Finance; A Constantinesco, ex-Minister of Agriculture; V. G. Mortzoun, ex-Minister of Interior; Dr. C. Angelesco, exMinister of Public Works, and Take Jonescue, ex-Minister without portfolio.
The Bratiano Cabinet was formed in January, 1914, and except for a reconstruction in the latter part of 1916, continued in office until last February.
BULGARIA DISSATISFIED.—Definite indication that an influential section of Bulgarian opinion is so dissatisfied with Bulgaria's recent treatment at the hands of the Central Powers, particularly in their refusal to give her all of the Dobrudja outright, as to be willing to talk of the desirability of getting out of the alliance, is contained in extracts from the Bulgarian press at the time of the visit of the Austrian Emperor and Empress to Sofia late in May, These documents come from the Serbian Press Bureau in Geneva, the accuracy of whose reports has never been questioned.
From the contents of Bulgarian newspapers of that day it appears that the Mir, the paper of ex-Premier Gueshoff, head of the National Party, made a very thinly veiled suggestion that Bulgaria was getting the worst of it and might profitably look elsewhere.
The visit of Kaiser Karl to Czar Ferdinand was made the occasion of much demonstration of friendliness and loyalty, but reports from the Austrian-Swiss frontier after the return of the imperial pair to Vienna declared that their train was stoned while passing through Bulgaria.
It is evident, too, that the food situation was an important factor in the discontent, which was shared by most of the opposition parties, though none of the others went to such lengths as the Nationalists. Some days later Radoslavoff resigned, but Gueshoff was not recalled to power; instead a government was formed by Alexander Malinoff, head of the Democratic Party, whose platform seems to have dealt chiefly with the determination to try to get all the Dobrudja and other concessions from the Central Powers.
Gueshoff has always been very friendly toward Russia. He was Premier during the early part of the Balkan wars but resigned early in June, 1913, just before war broke out between Bulgaria and the other Balkan States, after vainly trying to induce his nation to make concessions to Serbia and Greece.
In all these manifestations of dissatisfaction with Bulgaria's present position, however, there has been no evidence of willingness to make any concessions to the Allies. All the parties opposed to Radoslavoff were busy reproaching his government for its failure to secure the widest annexations, and the idea of a territorial compromise does not seem to have been mentioned so far.—N. Y. Times, 10/7.
DEATH OF THE SULTAN OF TURKEY.—Mohammed V, Sultan of Turkey, died on July 3, at the age of 74. He was put on the throne by the Young Turks in 1909.
AMERICAN PROTEST TO TURKEY.—An attack by Turkish troops on the American Consulate at Tabriz, Persia, and the looting of an American missionary hospital in that city, reported on June 19, led to a series of inquiries from the United States Government. The reply finally elicited from Turkey was unsatisfactory, dwelling chiefly on the difficulty of placing responsibility for the offense.
CHINA
ALLIED LOAN NEGOTIATED.—The American Government agreed to a loan to China by American bankers provided China cancels all outstanding loans, and that all loans be shared by the bankers of the United States, Great Britain, France, and Japan. Details of the loan have not been completed, but $50,000,000 is the approximate figure under consideration to be advanced from this country.
It is understood that the State Department insisted upon the quadruple financial alliance, so that no one country should gain a predominant financial influence in China. This will necessitate the cancellation of the $10,000,000 loan advanced recently by Japan in agreement with Entente bankers. Because of war conditions, it was said that bankers of the United States and Japan for the present will advance the loans for Great Britain and France.
New York and Chicago bankers, with State Department officials, are now working out details of the loan to be made by American financial interests. The American bankers are satisfied with the regulations laid down by the government.—N. Y. Times, 19/7.