Freedom Isn't Free Special Section, October 2001
The U.S. national strategy has changed radically from its successes in World War II and the Cold War. But the need for robust military capabilities, the will to use them responsibly, and proper focus on the threat have not. After the grisly events of 11 September, the threat has never been more apparent. Any terrorist group without the financial and logistical support of one or more sovereign governments could not have accomplished this exceptionally coordinated attack. In addition to state support, the terrorists took advantage of the nation's inattention by using its commercial flight schools to train for their mission and infiltrating its commercial airlines to conduct their assaults. Our efforts to defeat or blunt such attacks had critical flaws:
- Inability to deter sponsoring states, either because of inadequate intelligence or insufficient political will
- Inability of the immigration system to detect and prevent foreign terrorists from residing and conducting training in the United States
- Anemic aviation and airport security systems unable to detect and prevent terrorists from hijacking and operating four U.S. flag airliners simultaneously—all of the same cockpit type, all full of fuel
The silver lining in this catastrophe is that because of the attacks' magnitude and unspeakable horror, the U.S. government will find the will to correct these deficiencies. And it can do so without trampling on the U.S. Constitution. Correcting shortcomings in the intelligence community may be the most daunting task because human intelligence capabilities will take years to rebuild. So, it behooves us to start right away.
Rectifying the immigration process is fundamentally a matter of updating previous policies and then enforcing them vigorously. It should not be easy and routine for citizens of a state that sponsors terrorism to take up residence in the United States.
Likewise, it should not be easy for foreigners to board U.S. airliners without proper credentials and without undergoing thorough screening in the form of interviews and background checks. Citizens, too, must expect increased scrutiny with regard to identification and search of luggage. Rules for boarded passengers must be revised to include provisions for absolutely no contact with the cockpit—enforced with the addition of impenetrable cockpit doors. Reintroduction of an active sky marshal program and arming of airline crews are measures that should be considered as well.
Such defensive steps may have prevented the latest brutal attacks. But in their dark aftermath, it is clear that the United States must determine to systematically destroy or apprehend terrorists and punish states that aid them. The price for attacks against our nation must be sufficiently steep to deter reoccurrences. More ways must be found to combat a much wider and more deadly array of possible attacks, including nuclear, biological, and chemical attacks on urban centers, food and water supplies, the atmospheric environment, and farms and forests. It will be extremely expensive in terms of capital and political will—but surely the very core and soul of the United States is worth the price.
Retired Navy Commander Stumpf, a veteran of the Gulf War, flew in air operations against Libya in 1986 in response to terrorist attacks in Rome and Vienna. (See his article, "Air War With Libya," August 1986 Proceedings.) He later commanded the Blue Angels flight demonstration squadron and is now a pilot with FedEx.